Defamiliarising fear, intimacy, loneliness
and violence in relationship: A study of the socio-biological factors in the
present Indian Society
Dr Sudhansu Kumar Dash
1. Introduction
Fear influences all our activities
consciously or unconsciously. So the point of discussion is; what fear is?
Certainly fear comes into being when our comprehension of relationship is not
complete intimately..As long as this relationship is not fully understood, fear
must be there in us. To be is to be related as life is relationship and without
relationship life does not exist at all. Nothing can exist in isolation and as
long as mind seeks isolation, there must be fear. So fear is not an
abstraction, it exists in relation to something. We have the idea that to
overcome something is to conquer something, but the fact is that no problem can
be finally conquered; it can be understood, not conquered. Understanding and
conquering are two different processes .The conquering process leads to further
confusion and further fear. To resist, to dominate ,or to build a defense
against it is only to create further conflicts ,but if one can understand fear
,go into it completely step by step ,explore the whole content of it ,then fear
will not return in any form .Of many fears, the one that one is most aware is
that of intimacy. Intimacy means exposing oneself before a stranger. It is
certain that we all are strangers-nobody knows anybody. Intimacy brings one
close to a stranger. When one drops one’s defenses intimacy is possible and the
fear is that if one drops one’s defenses, all one’s mask, he knows not what the
stranger is going to do with him. A thousand and one thing we are hiding, not
only from others but also from ourselves because we have been brought up in a
sick humanity with all kind of repressions ,inhibitions , taboos .The fear with
the somebody is who is a stranger-does not matter living with the person for as
many years ;the strangeness never disappears-it feels safer to keep a little
defense ,a little distance ,because somebody can take advantage of one’s
weakness ,of one’s frailties, of one’s vulnerability. The problem becomes more
complicated because everybody wants intimacy, since without intimacy we are
alone in this universe-without a friend, without a lover, without anybody one
can trust, without anybody one can open one’s wounds. No wound can be healed up
unless it is opened as the more it is hidden the more it becomes dangerous and
finally becomes cancerous. Intimacy is an essential need in one hand and
therefore everybody longs for it .One wants the other person to be intimate, so
that the other person drops his defense, becomes vulnerable, drops all his
masks and false personality, stand naked as he is .On the other hand, everybody
is afraid of intimacy with the other person without dropping one’s own defenses.
This is the strangeness. This is one of the conflicts between friends, between
lovers, as nobody wants to drop his defenses, nobody wants to come to utter
nudity, sincerity and openness but both need intimacy. Unless one drops
repressions and inhibitions, one will never be intimate with someone. For this
one must take the initiative. We live in such pretentions, such
hypocrisies-that is the reason why intimacy creates fear. Once we accept ourselves as we are, the fear
of intimacy will disappear
The
fear of intimacy is highly intertwined with the fear of vulnerability. For many
people, however, the two issues are separate. You may be comfortable with
becoming vulnerable, showing your true self to the world or at least to trusted
friends and relatives. Yet you might cringe when you feel a relationship
becoming too close or intimate. The fear of vulnerability, then, can be loosely
defined as a fear of showing your true self, while the fear of intimacy is the fear
of sharing a deep relationship with someone else.
Social
Phobia
Some
experts classify the fear of intimacy as a subset of social phobia or social
anxiety disorder. People who are afraid of others are naturally more likely to
shy away from making intimate, personal connections. However, the fear of
intimacy may be entirely unrelated to any other form of social anxiety. Some
people are comfortable in loose social situations, numbering their
acquaintances and social media "friends" in the hundreds, but have no
deeply personal relationships at all. Whether your fear of intimacy is based in
a fear of abandonment, a fear of engulfment, or something else entirely, it can
wreak havoc on both romantic and nonromantic relationships. One of the most
basic keys to battling this fear is a willingness to accept uncertainty. There
are no guarantees in life or in human relationships. Every connection with
another person is ultimately a gamble. Yet social relationships are a basic
driving goal of human existence. Those who fear intimacy ultimately fear the
consequences of a relationship that turns sour. In order to successfully battle
the fear of intimacy, you must first be comfortable in yourself. If you truly
know and accept your own value and worth as a person, then you know that
rejection is not the end of the world. You will be able to set appropriate
boundaries to avoid engulfment, and cope with abandonment if it comes along.
Purpose
of the Study
The issues of fear
and intimacy are tricky and often complex. Professional guidance is often
required, especially if the fear of intimacy is rooted in complicated past
events a social phobia, the fear of abandonment and engulfment. Mutual respect and trust are essential
to the work of healing. a therapist will help to come to terms with any past or
present events that are clouding the situation, and help a man in designing a series of small steps to gradually
work through the fear. Therefore healing a fear of intimacy is quite
challenging a study but the rewards are tremendous.
2. Review of Literature
Researches have moved
toward considering body-image dissatisfaction as a powerful mediator for the
emotional quality of life of obese individuals (Friedman & Brownell,(1995);Jagsdaidt,(2001);
Cash & Pruzinsky (2002). Friedman . (2002) propose several additional
riskfactors that may determine which obese individuals will suffer negative
psychological consequences. These factors included social class, degree of
obesity, and body-image dissatisfaction Excessive weight carries psychological consequences in
developed societies that value thinness and physical attraction; the resulting
affect may motivate avoidant cognitions and behaviors. Body-image factors
(attitudinal and perceptual) conspire to discriminate obese from their
non-obese counterparts and manifest in avoidant behavior Cash, (1993). Obese
individuals overestimate or distort the size of their body more, are more
dissatisfied and preoccupied with their appearance, and tend to avoid more
social interactions because of their appearance than normal weight individuals
Cash (1990).
Marshall (1989, 1993) has observed that many sexual offenders lack deep and
intimate relationships, are emotionally isolated, and have had numerous superficial
and unfulfilling relationships. With these observations in mind, Marshall and
his colleagues have hypothesized that intimacy deficits and loneliness may be
critical factors in a more general theory of sexual offending Marshall( 1989,
1993,) . Garlick(1989) and Seidman, Marshall, Hudson, and Robertson (1994)have
found support for an association among intimacy deficits, loneliness, and
sexual offending. Garlick matched incarcerated child molesters and rapists with
an incarcerated no sexually offending inmate. Psychometric properties suggest that it is a reliable and valid
measure of social intimacy (Downs& Hillje, 1991; Miller & Lefcourt, (1982).
Other important surveys are the National Family Violence Surveys (Straus, (1995);
Straus & Gelles,( 1987), the National College Student Behavioral Risk Factor
Survey (Brener, McMahon, Warren &Douglas, (1999), and the National Survey
of Naval Recruits (Merrill, Hervig, Milner,Newell & Koss,( 1997;) Merrill,
Newell,( 1998; )White, Merrill & Koss, (2001). An oft-quoted statistic is that one of every
three women has experienced physical, emotional, or sexual violence in an
intimate relationship (Heise et al. 1999). In 48population-based surveys from
around the world, between 10 percent and 69 percent of women are reported being
physically assaulted by an intimate male partner at some point in their lives
(WHO 2002). In many developing countries, domestic violence still is absent
from the national agenda despite increasing evidence that domestic violence is
a pervasive phenomenon (DHS2004), and that it is often disproportionate among the
poor Heise (1998;) Ellsberg (1999). As pointed out by Laing and Bobic, “Once
governments acquire a monetary portrait of violence, they will act to maximize
benefits and minimize costs, which will ultimately work to reduce and eliminate
domestic violence” Laing andBobic (2002). The health
related,
economic, and social costs ofdomestic or intimate partner violence (IPV) against
women – on women themselves, their families, andsocial and economic development
– are considered by researchers to be enormous. The World Bank (1993) estimates the loss of 9
million years of disability-adjusted life years (DALYs) each year worldwide as
a result of rape and IPV, more than that lost due to all known types of cancer.
For women between the ages of 15-44, IPV is the leading contributor to death,
disability, and illness(VicHealth 2004). Violence against women also generally
has been found to be the third highest cause of death in Mexico City (Acencio
1999). Among developing countries, few studies on the costs of violence are
available. One study by Mansingh andRamphal (1993) estimated the direct costs
of treating victims of IPV in Jamaica’s Kingston Public Hospital in1991 to be
$454,000. Another study conducted by theInter-American Development Bank in
Chile and Nicaragua in 1999 (Morrison and Orlando 1999) IPV is a narrower
concept encompassing violence between adults in an intimate relationship,
usually of asexual nature. It includes individuals either in a current or
recently ended relationship. The U.S. Centers for Disease Control and
Prevention (CDC) defines IPV as “violence committed by a spouse, ex-spouse, or current
or former boyfriend or girlfriend” (CDC 2003: p.3). behaviors include sexual
coercion, , sexual harassment, and rape. Financial abuse includes deprivation
of material goods, control of money, and control over assets. In the costing studies
surveyed, the primary focus is on physical, sexual, and psychological abuse
within the intimate relationship (Roberts 1988; Associates 1991; KPMG 1994;
Stanko,Crisp et al. 1998; Yodanis and Godenzi 1999). There is, however, some
divergence in how rape and sexual assault are treated. Most studies consider
both rape and sexual assault to be part of the behaviors that constitute IPV
(Roberts 1988; Associates 1991;KPMG 1994; Stanko, Crisp (1998; )Yodanis andGodenzi 1999; Walby 2004).
Others perceive that rape and sexual assault require specialized services and thus
calculate costs of these separately (Blumel et al. 1993;Greaves 1995; Miller, Cohen 1996).. In studies looking at crime, the key measure
that is utilized is the number of victimizations rather than the number of
people, which captures the fact that people sometimes face multiple attacks
(Cohen 1994). In terms of violence within the intimate relationship, women
often experience repeated behaviors, resulting in repeated injuries and their repeat
use of services Samity (2002).
3. Objectives
1. To study the fear of intimacy as a of social
phobia
2. To study the relationship between childhood experiences with
various forms of violence
3. To study physical abuse, sexual abuse, domestic violence for
fear
4. To study various criminal history variables
5. To study overall intimacy in adult relationships, the fear of
intimacy in adult relationships, and loneliness
6. To study the fear of loneliness
4. Methodology
The
data collection covered a variety of dimensions – namely, personal
characteristics of the offender (family, experiences of childhood
victimization, juvenile delinquency, and adult delinquency), characteristics of
the criminal event that led to pre-crime situation and the crime scenario, and
characteristics of the crime and the victim – and included a number of
psychological tests, including IQ tests. Those computerized IQ test results
were used in this study.
Universe of the study
This study deliberately used a
limited number of variables, and used a sample of incarcerated sex offenders
without distinction as to subtypes. Considering the great heterogeneity of sex
offenders the use of a validated and reliable taxonomic system would have been
preferable. Unfortunately, it was impossible to use a typology due to the small
number of subjects for which all the information was available for coding. The
strategy of including all incarcerated sex offenders were allowed for the
inclusion of other subgroups of sex offenders, such as incest and pseudo-incest
offenders and marital rapists, thus considerably expanding the sex offender
population coverage.
5. Sample for the study
Three groups of
individuals voluntarily participated in the current project: rapists of adult women, violent but nonsexual
offending inmates, and community controls. The adult rapist group consisted
of27 adult men incarcerated for forced sexual contact with an individual over
18 years of age. Participants in both sexual offender groups were currently
involved or had been selected to participate in the study. A sample of 21 adult
males incarcerated for violent but nonsexual offenses voluntarily served as a nonsexual
offending inmate control group. The offenses committed by these inmates were
crimes against persons and were violent in nature (e.g., murder, manslaughter,
assault, armed robbery, kidnapping). Both self-reports of these inmates and an
examination of the inmates ‘records were used in an attempt to ensure that they
had not committed prior sexual offense. Finally, a sample of 60 adult males was
recruited from community colleges to voluntarily serve as a community control
group. These men were involved in introductory psychology courses at the
community colleges and received extra credit in their class for participating
in the project. Each of the community control participants denied any history
of arrests or convictions for any crime and denied having ever committed a
sexual assault. All participants were approached by the investigator who
described the project to them. Those who voluntarily agreed to participate
signed an informed consent form indicating their understanding of the nature of
the project and procedures involved. Confidentiality and anonymity of their
responses were emphasized..After giving informed consent, all participants
received the packet of questionnaires and were instructed to complete the research
packet individually. With the exception of the community controls, participants
were instructed to complete the intimacy, fear of intimacy, and loneliness
measures from the perspective of their relationships and attitudes prior to
their arres
6. Procedure and Analysis
6.1. Demographic and descriptive
information. Participants completed demographic data sheet to provide age,
race, marital status, and number of years of education. Further descriptive
data were gathered from inmate self-reports and from the inmates’ mental health
and their experiences with violence in
childhood and criminal backgrounds,
number of prior arrests, number of prior convictions, use of violence in adult
relationships.
6.2. Social Intimacy Scale: The Social Intimacy Scale
was designed to assess intimacy in adult relationships. The measure consists of
6 items that measure the frequency of intimate contacts and 11 items that assess
the intensity of intimate relations. Each of the items are rated on 10-point
scales, ranging from 1 (very rarely or not much) to 10 (almost always or a great deal). Higher scores indicate more intimacy in
relationships. Psychometric properties of the scale are strong and suggest that
it is a reliable and valid measure of social intimacy. Therefore, for the
purpose of the present study, all participants completed SIS four times,
describing typical relationships with (a) male friends, (b) female friends, (c)
family members, and (d) a spouse. Participants are asked to rate their agreement
with each of the items on a 4-point scale ranging from 1 (never)to 4 (often).
Half of the items are reversed scored, and all items are summed to obtain a
total score. Higher scores are indicative of more loneliness.. Detailed
information regarding the psychometric properties suggest that the scale is
valid and reliable
6.3. Fear of Intimacy Scale The Fear of Intimacy
Scale (FIS) was designed to assess individuals’ anxieties about close
relationships. Items were based on the definition that fear of intimacy is the
inhibited capacity of an individual to exchange personally significant thoughts
and feelings with another individual who is highly valued. Participants are
instructed to complete the questionnaire while imagining themselves in a close
dating relationship and rate each of the 35 items on a 5-point scale ranging
from 1(not at all characteristic of me) to 5 (extremely characteristic of
me).Fifteen items are reverse scored, and all items are summed to obtain a
total score, with higher scores reflecting a greater fear of intimacy. The
psychometric properties of the FIS are strong, with high internal consistency
and test-retest reliability,
7. Findings
Consistent with previous empirical research as
well as anecdotal reports, the present findings provide additional support for
the theory that intimacy deficits and loneliness may be distinctive and
influential contributors to the multifaceted etiology and maintenance of
sexually offending behaviors. Overall, the rapists in the present study were
found to suffer from significant intimacy deficits in adult relationships and
experienced more loneliness (particularly emotional loneliness) than the nonsexual
offending inmates and community controls. The data further suggest that these
intimacy deficits may be relationship specific, best accounted for by emotional
loneliness. The various predictors of intimacy fear of intimacy and loneliness
was a history of childhood physical abuse, indirectly suggesting an increased
likelihood of the poor-quality attachments. It is important to note that
although the overall number of prior convictions for any type of criminal
behavior was found to be a significant predictor of overall intimacy and fear
of intimacy in adult relationships, having engaged in and been convicted of
criminal behaviors in general was insufficient in predicting intimacy, fear of
intimacy, overall loneliness, or emotional loneliness. The exploratory multiple
regression analyses offered additional support for the relationship of
intimacy, fear of intimacy, and loneliness to sexual offending. More specifically,
among the best predictors of the degree of overall intimacy, fear of intimacy,
overall loneliness, and emotional loneliness were the perpetration of rape,
with these variables accounting for a relatively large proportion of the total
variance. With regard to fear of intimacy in adult relationships, an interesting
pattern emerged. Although it was hypothesized that both the rapists would
report greater fears of intimacy in adult relationships than the nonsexual
offending inmates and community controls,. Finally, the rapists are found to be
experiencing significantly more overall loneliness and emotional loneliness
than did the nonsexual offending inmates and community controls.
Intimacy deficits and experiences of
loneliness may be associated with poor-quality attachments and the specific interpersonal
problems associated with insecure attachment styles in adulthood. Therefore,
one would presume that childhood experiences of abuse or violence, which may
subsequently be associated with poor-quality attachments and specific
expectations and functioning in interpersonal relationships, would be found in
the histories of sexual offenders. Indeed, such experiences i.e., physical
abuse, sexual abuse, witnessing domestic violence were prevalent within the
samples of sexual offenders in the present study. Specifically, 71% of the
rapists reported a history of childhood physical abuse , 29% of the rapists
alleged a history of childhood sexual victimization, and 68% of the rapists
reported having witnessed domestic violence during childhood. Although not
directly assessed in the current study, it would seem logical that these
offenders would have a predisposition toward developing insecure attachments
and a subsequent proneness for intimacy deficits and experiences of loneliness.
8. Suggestions
In defense of the retrospective
methodology in the present study, however, it has been suggested that
retrospective reports are most valid and defensible when they are used as indicators
of relative rank within a distribution, as opposed to use as precise indicators
of event frequencies and event dates. A final consideration worth noting is the
issue of whether intimacy deficits and loneliness precede sexually offending
behaviors or simply result from the arrest for the sexual offense and
subsequent incarceration. However, in light of the findings of greater intimacy
deficits and loneliness in both incarcerated and non incarcerated sexual
offenders, it may be reasonable to suggest that intimacy deficits and
loneliness are not merely aftereffects of incarceration. Given the apparent
significance of intimacy deficits, fear of intimacy, and loneliness in relation
to sexual offending, it is imperative not only to incorporate these factors
into comprehensive theoretical models of sexual offending but also to address
these elements in the assessment and treatment process by stressing the
importance of assisting sexual offenders in understanding the close
relationship among emotions, behaviors, and intimate relationships. By doing so,
the sexual offenders may be able to identify chain of emotions and behaviors
associated with their intimate relationships and subsequently develop specific
interventions to modify the problematic patterns that exist in those
relationships.
9. Notes and References
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