Sunday 30 November 2014

The Simple and Effective methods of teaching English Grammar to the Non-natives of English: A Study on the Higher Secondary Students of Odisha

Dr Sudhansu Kumar Dash
Introduction
The word grammar offered a generation ago, in 1954, by W. Nelson Francis  means the set of formal patterns in which the words of a language are arranged in order to convey larger meanings The second meaning of "grammar “is "the branch of linguistic science which is concerned with the description, analysis, and formulization of formal language patterns. The third sense in which people use the word "grammar" is "linguistic etiquette." The assumption that teaching Grammar as linguistic science will improve the student's proficiency in Grammar arranging the words of a language or improve his manners of linguistic etiquette , the form of Grammar is concerned with the description, analysis, and formulization of formal language patterns is usually taught is a very inaccurate and misleading analysis. It therefore is of highly questionable value in improving person's ability to handle the structural  patterns of his language.
Grammar is the sound, structure, and meaning system of language. All languages have grammar, and each language has its own grammar. People who speak the same language are able to communicate because they intuitively know the grammar system of that language—that is, the rules of making meaning. Students who are native speakers of English already know English grammar. They recognize the sounds of English words, the meanings of those words, and the different ways of putting words together to make meaningful sentences. Effective grammar instruction begins with what students already know about grammar, and it helps them use this knowledge as they write. By connecting their knowledge of oral language to written language, teachers can demystify abstract grammatical terminology so that students can write—and read—with greater competence and confidence. Without a sound knowledge of the grammatical basis of the language it can be argued that the learner is in possession of nothing more than a selection of communicative phrases which are perfectly adequate for basic communication but which will be found wanting when the learner is required to perform any kind of sophisticated linguistic task. 
Public institutions in Odisha have been preaching the concept of grammar for years, yet for some mystical reason, the students cannot seem to figure it out. If one is truly honest about the topic, he or she will have to admit that the collective grammar of this state is simply tragic. as it does not find Into whose lap does this task fall. English teachers, teaching English grammar to a group of students think it to be   a job that should grant super human status to any teacher who manages to do it successfully. There is a steaming buffet of options to pick from when it comes to choosing the best way to teach this ever-relevant area of study. There is the new-age method of teaching grammar, which ironically doesn't actually teach grammar at all, but instead hopes students just sort of "pick it up" as they read different texts Then, there is a method somewhere in the middle. Each method depends on who is doing the teaching, what kind of students occupy the classroom, the demands of the higher secondary education system,
The traditional method of teaching grammar is still very popular among experienced teachers and teachers that have been in the profession for a while. Everyone knows these kinds of teachers. They proclaim this world has gone to the deepest pits of hell in the roughest of hand baskets, and truly the rest of the teachers wonder why they are still teaching at all. There are a few young, fresh, braves who enter the teaching field and follow the example set by their teachers in high school-- the traditional, grammar book, worksheet, right or wrong example. Regardless of whether they look at the student population and see the wasting away of society or a field of young and potential-filled flowers, these teachers see grammar as something that should be taught in isolation. It should be given its own time, its own unit, and its own space in the curriculum. Not incorrectly, they see their chosen field of study as something so highly important that it cannot be ignored nor tainted with other subjects; the students must learn it because, well, that's what students do: they learn grammar. .Well, there may be one fact these traditionalists are overlooking when it comes to teaching grammar. Why is it that students, when taught grammar the traditional, isolated way, have to be re-taught the same grammatical concepts year after year? It seems to the common observer that they're simply not learning it. They remember the concepts for the worksheet and the test but soon forget and have to learn the next year There is certainly something awry in this system. Are teachers wasting their time trying to fill young minds with grammatical facts? If they're not, then why do so many adults who have graduated high school and gone through years of repetitive grammar instruction display horrific grammatical skills. Based on this information, many have decided to abandon the practice of teaching grammar all-together. They have brushed it off as worthless and have instead chosen to cross their fingers in hopes that if students read enough and write enough, they will start to naturally see the patterns of the English language. For some students this may work. In fact, it may work for many students. However, teachers may collide into a problem with this system. In every state, teachers have a curriculum to follow, a list of "to-do's" These curriculum lists usually contain a set of pure grammatical skills that the students must learn, and unless the teacher wants to rebel against the curriculum that teacher must teach those things. the endless dilemmas of the English teacher would arise. For those teachers who are neither traditional nor rebellious, there is a middle road of grammar instruction. This type of instruction combines grammar with reading and writing as an everyday experience in the classroom. . This method is very much dependent on the teacher's creativity and his or her ability to weave grammar into every other area of the English classroom. It is by no means the easiest way to teach grammar, but as research has shown, it may be the most effective. It is definitely the method that takes the most time and creativity on the part of the teacher, but for a dedicated professional, these are both secondary concerns to the level of learning the students achieve. There are teachers who make the traditional method work; somehow they have found a way to get bits of information to implant themselves into student minds like tiny eggs of precious information. There are teachers who don't handle grammar at all, but they make their students read enough and write enough that somehow they pass their state tests and grow up with a basic knowledge of the concepts; and there are teachers who creatively combine grammar to other classroom activities. Which method works the best is up to the individual teacher, but one thing is certain: it is the English teacher's job to make sure this information is cleverly presented. Therefore grammar is one of those issues that does not have an easy solution. It is tricky and it is tough, therefore the project. It is not for the faint of heart or the creatively shallow.
The Problem

To be  honest about the topic on research, one  will have to admit that the collective grammar of the state is simply tragic. There is certainly something away in the present system.. There is a steaming buffet of options to pick from when it comes to choosing the best way to teach this ever-relevant area of study. Therefore grammar is one of those issues that does not have an easy solution. It is tricky and it is tough, therefore the project The simple and Effective methods of teaching English Grammar to the Non-natives of English. A Study on the Higher Secondary Students of Odisha.

Review of literature

Review of literature is an avenue to open the door of research which enables the investigator to lay rational foundation for his research study. Review of related literature is concerned with similar or related studies carried out by other research workers in the same field. It not only helps the investigator to have a clear absorption of the work already done, but also gives an idea of the scope of the subject of study in all aspects and implications.
To adapt a comment from Berns(1999), the concern , the value and necessity of hearing actual voices and views from the periphery that provide rich perspectives on and insights into the complexity of English language teaching throughout the world. Tuder (2001) comments that the reality of teaching will, of course, vary from context to context. Accordingly, in this article tries to explore aspects of the realities of English teaching in one state where English is a foreign language. Harmer (2003) says the social context in which learning takes place is of vital importance to the success of the educational endeavor.  Shin & Kellogg (2007) argue that situational teaching competence is much a part of  professional expertise as language competence. Another notable study Tsui (2003) documented the development of expertise amongst a group of NNESTs in Hong Kong. The overtly ideological nature of ELT and its instantiation in a periphery community are the subject of Canagarajah (1999).Pacek (2005) studies that NNESTs have reflected on their experiences as teachers within the educational systems of English-speaking countries, and the various papers Barine (1999) reported on perceived identities as native/non-native teachers. However, these works aside, the active agency of NNESTs as teachers within their own educational systems is insufficiently explored .
Objectives
1.To study the everyday activities of the teachers in their classrooms
2.To study the effective method of teaching grammar .
3.To study the attitude of the teacher about teaching and about being a teacher
4.To study about the careers and classroom lives of teachers of English in Odisna
Methodology
Data for this article was gathered through in-depth, unstructured interviews with 32 teachers of Odisha teaching English, each interview lasting between 2 and 3½ hours. Interviews were conducted in English though informants occasionally used Odia where they felt it necessary to convey concept or a particular piece of information for which they could not think of the English equivalent. The interviews had a broad focus on the informants’ educational experiences as learners and teachers within their social contexts and a list of topic areas was used as a framework for   reasons for becoming a teacher, family background, presentpost,classes taught,thoughts about teaching,motivation,dislikes,school administration,induction.staff–student relationships own schooling, pre-service training, in-service training, other formal qualifications,teachers and society,English and Its position in Odisha and attitudes to English Grammar

 The list did not, however, constrain the discussion and throughout the interviews. The researcher remained open to any topic informants wished to raise. The over-arching research question was the subjective experience of these informants in the state education system in Odisha with respect to their experiences as teachers within their own context throughout their careers.

 In this particular article the investigator wants to focus on the following sub-set of research questions.(1) What are informants’ subjective perceptions of their classroom lives: what influences and shapes their classroom practice? (2) What are the sources of the informants’ commitment to teaching? The unstructured interviews aimed to provide answers to the research questions by opening a window of understanding onto how these teachers made sense of the social world of teaching which they inhabited Within this framework, the conduct of the interview itself was of paramount importance and all teachers on interviewing as a research technique  agree that interviewing of this type should strive to be more like a conversation between partners than between a researcher and a subject. Interviews for this study were only conducted after the investigator  had known the participants for some time; with five of the seven participants being long-standing professional colleagues dating back to his first involvement in the Odisha educational system more than fifteen years ago. This familiarity with context and with the research participants had both advantages and disadvantages: advantages in that the researcher, , shared a great deal of contextual knowledge and could be seen as an empathetic rather than a detached outsider; disadvantages in that the prior relationship might have influenced what informants chose to reveal.. Various interviewees spoke freely, and seemed to welcome the opportunity to talk in depth about their lives and careers and to be listened to with respect. The investigator also observed informants’ in their classrooms when  interviews coincided with school terms. In such cases thr researcher spent 2–3 days with the informants, observing not only their regularly scheduled classes but their usual daily routines .Precise patterns of teacher–student interaction or the amount of time spent on teacher talk or student talk ,impressions of general teaching approaches features of the lessons were found particularly interesting. The observations were not designed as the primary research instrument, but as a supplementary means of allowing an element of methodological triangulation in the research, i.e. to provide another perspective on what informants had to say about their classroom teaching. Reference to this observational data will be made on occasion throughout the discussion of findings 32 participants of which 16  teachers interviewed from the urban schools and 16 from the rural from four districts of odisha namely Koraput, Nuapada, Cuttack and Balasore. The former two are the tribal populated districts where as the later two are educationally advanced .The researcher  intentionally sought interviewees who had had extensive experience of education in their state system and who would thus be able to speak from the basis of a broad range of experience.
Findings and Discussion
Odisha education is regarded as ‘traditional’ used to indicate a teacher-fronted, teacher-controlled approach and authoritarian in nature and there has been considerable public debate about such methods of teaching and testing now being inappropriate to modern Odia society. The authoritarianism manifests itself in the highly structured nature of schools themselves where school directors wield immense power over teachers which, again, is at odds with official pronouncements regarding the ‘empowerment’ of teachers.
In relation to published literature, rather than to separate those, to provide a more coherent narrative of these Odisha teachers in relation to the professional discourse.. The constraints of a journal article inevitably limit to discuss yet the researcher  focused on these two areas as the data reveals that they are central to the life of an English teacher in Odisha. Classroom practice is no longer entirely the teacher-fronted, grammar-translation class of popular imagination but that many communicative practices have been established which could now be said to be the dominant paradigm in English teaching worldwide, at least in its theoretical representation in official curriculum documents. But the interpretation of official mandates is a different matter and classroom teaching, as we shall see, may reveal many different interpretations of ‘communicative practices’. Against this background, amongst all the informants interviewed there was high value placed upon the need to use English to communicate in the class and, generally, support expressed in principle for a communicative teaching approach. In the case of the  informants as a group, however, there was no uniformity expressed of how the communicative approach was used in their own classes, or, indeed, whether it was used at all on a continuing basis. One informant made clear that he felt there was misunderstanding within the  teaching community about what CLT and the student-centered teaching at its basis meant. His view of the prevailing understanding was that many schools focus on the worksheets and a lot of exercises. Other informants offered support in general terms for CLT but did not see it as the only determinant of classroom methods for teachers, regardless of the official curriculum.Another teacher Indicated that in the last week of the school examination constraints meant that he could not use a communicative teaching approach, even though he valued it. The situation also required him to use students’ first language when explaining grammar points, a common practice in Odisha .Some said to be  doing the communicative approach along with traditional styles because they have to teach grammatical points to the students. However, the teacher went on to acknowledge that in her own classrooms there was a need to adapt to situational realities and so use more Odia and even the local dialect. Following a lesson observation class the researcher remarked on use of the first language. she commented that some students don’t understand English. Most of the children in her school came from farming communities and saw little need for English either in their present or their future lives. In Koraput and Nuapada the students don’t have a background in English and the context that encourages them to think that English is very important. therefore used the students first language as an aid to their learning and, even when some did become more proficient in English, she continued to use the first language to show consideration for the students in other ways. Another teacher said that the approach and the amount of English used depended on the class. Clearly the use of particular methods may be constrained by contextual features over which teachers have no control, the wash back effect of examination formats.

The data indicates not only that informants were aware of the principles of a communicative approach and its place in the required curriculum but that the older approaches persist because some teachers find them useful and appropriate with certain groups of learners. This may be tied to the demands of examinations and the requirement to teach grammar in a formal way, or related to situational constraints in which teachers respond to students who have no background in English and feel the language has little or no relevance to their present or future lives. The perceptions reported in the data indicate, then, that teachers use methods which they feel to be appropriate to the purpose of promoting children’s learning – and to enable them to pass key examinations – and that these may, on occasion, not be those specified in national curricula.Though teachers have little overt professional autonomy in relation to officially mandated curricula, they retain de facto independence over the degree to which an official curriculum is actually implemented in the classroom. Classroom teaching and the methods that these teachers used are, then, many, varied and frequently imaginative. What unites them all is that selection of methods is based on an understanding of the needs of the students in their particular situations. Some of the teachers combined the curriculum requirement of a communicative approach with older traditional methods – grammar translation – when circumstances required it; while others based their practice on communicative methods alone. However, the basic principle in the selection of methods as revealed in the data is always to meet the needs of the students at the particular stage of their school career, and sometimes it is examination needs which predominate.There is ample evidence in the interviews that these particular teachers had a strong belief in and commitment to the value of their work; its value to students in their schools and to society at large. From the observation it was clear that some teachers  were skilled classroom practitioner with the ability to empathize with the students and develop in them a desire to learn. All the  informants seemed to share a desire for self-improvement, taking higher degrees where possible and taking advantage of in-service training opportunities.

Discussion
From the discussion it seems to be clear that if we consider what makes an effective, successful teacher we have to go far beyond the boundaries of the technical aspects of teaching –the methods used in the classroom. Methods are important but they are just one aspect of a teacher’s effectiveness. Other characteristics are equally important and we can turn to the perspectives of one of the teachers for an overview who  gave number of key qualities for success in teaching – hard work, devotion, sincerity, honesty, trust, helpfulness and friendliness. We can not consider methods to be so important if these were visualized as uncritical adherence to one method .We can’t strictly follow one particular method  but more important was a principled selection of methods based on the students’ background, situation and needs which took full account of the humanity of the individual. The value of using a variety of methods was also recognized by the teacher. In his advice to other teachers, he declared it was important to be open to ideas from whatever source and that any technique of teaching grammar had potential usefulness in Odisha not  being ‘anti’to  any techniques but adapting any teaching approach, any teaching techniques to use with the students.

 Conclusion
The teachers’ perspectives discussed here contribute  to a vision of ELT classroom practice as a response to the locally-situated needs of the participants and suggest that the ELT profession needs to acknowledge a richer and more varied picture of classroom life than one sanctioned by official curriculam; one in which there is an acceptance that ‘traditional ‘forms of instruction persist for a reason, and that to uncover the reason there is a need to investigate the socio cultural and educational contexts of use of the methods. The researcher here argues that investigation of socio-cultural and educational contexts in which classroom teaching is enacted is crucial to the understanding of local practices. This understanding will, in turn, contribute to correcting a monolithic view of ELT based on  conceptions of idealized practice. More research of this kind is, in consequence, needed to enrich our collective understanding of the global practices of ELT in its many and varied local contexts.

 References
A ´


1.Bolton, K., 2004. World Englishes. In: Davies, A., Elder, C. (Eds.), The Handbook of Applied Linguistics. Blackwell Publishing Ltd.,Oxford,

2.Braine, G. (Ed.), 1999. Non-Native Educators in English Language Teaching. Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Mahwah, NJ.

3.Braine, G. (Ed.), 2005. Teaching English to the World: History, Curriculum and Practice. Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Mahwah, NJ.

4..Butler, Y.G., 2005. Comparative perspectives towards communicative activities among elementary school teachers in South Korea, Japanand Taiwan. Language Teaching Research.

5..Canagarajah, A.S. (Ed.), 2005. Reclaiming the Local in Language Policy and Practice. Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Mahwah, NJ.

6..Darasawang, P. (Eds.), Research in ELT. Proceedings of the International Conference 9–11 April 2003. School of Liberal Arts, KingMongkut’s University of Technology Thonburi, Thonburi, Thailand.

7..Chirban, J., 1996. Interviewing in Depth: The Interactive-Relational Approach. Sage Publications Inc., Thousand Oaks, CA.

8..Cohen, L., Manion, L., Morrison, K., 2000. Research Methods in Education, fifth ed. RoutledgeFalmer, London.

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10.Medgyes, P., 2000. Native and non-native teachers in the classroom. System .
The Economic aspects of English Language Skills: A Study of Its colonial legacy in the linguistic diversity of India.


Dr Sudhansu  kumar Dash

1. Introduction

 India is a linguistically diverse country. it has thousands of languages, of which 122 have over 10,000 native speakers according to the 2001 Census. English is only 44th on the list of languages in India with the most native speakers, belying its important role in India since the arrival of the British East India Company in the 1600s. India was formally ruled by the British Empire from 1757-1947 i.e.by the British East India Company from 1757-1857,and by the British Crown from 1858-1947. During this time, English became the language of power and prestige. It was associated with the ruling British, the law was in English, and government administration, at least at the higher levels, was conducted in English. Additionally, it became the medium of instruction in public schools. After India gained independence from the British in 1947, debate ensued over the role of the colonial language in the country. There were calls to replace English with a native Indian. Under British rule, India established a system of public education; before, there were few schools and only the elite received schooling. It was decided after much debate that English would be the medium of instruction in this new system of public school language as the official language of India to reinforce national identity. Hindi, which is by far the most dominant mother tongue in India was politically infeasible to make the sole official language of India as it was thought to be disadvantageous to states where Hindi was not prevalent. Thus, the Constitution of India names both Hindi and English as the official languages of India. Individual states legislate their own official languages, but communication among states and in the federal government would take place in Hindi or English. From an individual's perspective, there are several economic incentives to learn English. On the one hand, English has value as a lingua franca. Knowledge of a common language facilitates communication. A common language is especially useful in linguistically diverse places, where the chances of meeting someone with the same native language are relatively low. A common language is also useful for international trade. While English is not the only possible lingua franca, it is a natural one given India's colonial past and given the influence of the United States in the world economy. On the other hand, the use of English is firmly entrenched in government and schools due to the colonial past. To be a government official or teacher one needs to be proficient in English. These occupations are considered attractive in India because they are white-collar jobs providing secure employment and good benefits. In contrast, most jobs in the India are on household farms or in casual labor, which tend to provide uncertain means of livelihood and involve strenuous physical labor.


India's colonial legacy and linguistic diversity give English an important role in its economy, and this role has expanded due to globalization in recent decades. It is widely believed that there are sizable economic returns to English-language skills in India, but the extent of these returns is unknown due to lack of a micro data set containing measures of both earnings and English ability. It would be useful not only to have more recent figures, but also to examine English ability along various dimensions such as education, age and sexual major challenge to estimating the returns to English is the likely endogeneity of language skills in the earnings equation. The study attempts to explain just not  the returns to English-language skills causally without an experiment but   a valid instrumental variable for English skills. It is difficult to convincingly overcome these remaining identification issues. However, the researcher believes that even if the estimated returns to English do not have a causal interpretation, they are still useful. On the one hand, very little information exists on the relationship between English skill and earnings in developing countries, so even if our estimates were purely descriptive they would still add to knowledge. On the other hand, English skills are not the only type of human capital that individuals and policymakers can invest in, and a comparison of the returns to English to returns to other types of human capital (such as schooling or job training) is revealing about the relative value of English even if the estimated returns do not have a causal interpretation. This is because estimating returns to these other types of human capital faces the same identification issues as estimating the returns to English, so comparisons of the returns might still be meaningful. English-language skills are a form of human capital. Individuals, or parents acting on their behalf, weigh the marginal costs and marginal benefits of investing in English-language skills. There could be both monetary and non-monetary costs associated with acquiring English-language skills. Non-monetary costs include the effort to learn English, which is not the native language of 99.8% of the Indian population. They might also include weakened ties to one's tradition social network because. Extra monetary costs are incurred to the extent that parents enroll their child in private schools, hire tutors, or invest in more years of schooling than they otherwise would in order to help the child learn English.


2.Review of Literature
Munshi and Rosenzweig (2006) and Chakraborty and Kapur (2008) estimate the returns to attending a school using English as the medium of instruction. We are aware of two previous studies on the relationship between English-language skills and earnings in India: Munshiand Rosenzweig (2006) and Chakraborty and Kapur (2008), where the latter is an unpublished manuscript. Both estimate the returns to attending a school with English (as opposed to some native language) as the medium of instruction. Munshi and Rosenzweig collected their own data on Maharashtrians living in Dadar, whichis located in Mumbai, Maharashtra, India. Using data on parents' income histories andthe language of instruction in their secondary school (Marathi or English), they estimate significant positive returns to an English-medium education. Attending an English-medium school increased both women's and men's income by about 25% in 2000. Chakraborty andKapur use National Sample Survey data to estimate the impact of a 1983 policy in West Bengal which eliminated English as the medium of instruction in primary schools. They found that switching from English to Bengali medium of instruction significantly reduced wages. Simple comparisons of cohorts attending primary school before and after the policy change suggest that English-medium schooling raised wages about 15% in the 2000s. Angrist and Lavy (1997), found  French-language skills significantly. These returns are described in greater detail in Munshi and Rosenzweig (2003). However, Angrist, Chin and Godoy (2008) found that in Puerto Rico, switching the medium of instruction from English to Spanish in PuertoRico had no impact on the English-speaking proficiency of Puerto Ricans; thus, it is not a foregone conclusion that instruction in a foreign language will lead to greater proficiency in that foreign language. In fact, the premise of He, Linden and MacLeod (2008) is that Indian primary schools are ineffective at teaching English. Munshiand Rosenzweig's findings come from one community in Mumbai, and Chakraborty andKapur's findings come from a policy change in one state, West Bengal. There is a large literature on the effects of language skills on wages using data from other countries. However, most of these studies estimate the returns to the host-country language for immigrants to that host country, such as the returns to English for U.S. immigrants. Bleakley and Chin (2004) provide a brief overview of these studies. Fewer studies estimate the return to a language that is not the country's dominant language. Two studies that estimate the effect of a colonial language are Angrist and Lavy (1997), who estimate the return to French-language skills in Morocco, and Levinsohn (2007), who estimates the returns to speaking English in South Africa. Two that estimate the effect of foreign languages that do not have a colonial past in the country are Saiz and Zoido (2005) and Lang and Siniver(2006). Saiz and Zoido estimate the returns to Spanish, French and other foreign languages between English-language skills and earnings. In order to recover the returns to English-language skills, one needs to know the firstrst-stage effect of English-medium schooling on English-language skills. In practice, there might be complications since English-medium schooling might impact earnings through mechanisms other than English-language skills. Roy (2004) found that the West Bengal policy that changed the medium of instruction from English to Bengali increased educational attainment.10They perform a randomized evaluation of a new methodology for teaching English in primary schools. At the outset of the experiment, they found that only 10% of second and third graders could identify the picture of the correct object when given the objects English name even though these
words were part of the official English curriculum.9among U.S. college graduates. Lang and Siniver estimate the returns to English proficiency in Israel, a country where English is neither a dominant nor official language. The latter two studies suggest that proficiency in an international language such as English is rewarded more in the labor market than proficiency in some other foreign language. This study makes several contributions to the existing literature. It is the first to estimate the returns to English-language skills in India. A major hurdle in the past has been the availability of a data set measuring both language skills and earnings of individuals. The recent availability of data from the India Human Development Survey, 2005 helps us clear this hurdle. Additionally, it adds to the small handful of studies that estimates the effect of proficiency in a foreign language that has colonial roots or serves as an international language. Finally, it adds to the few studies on the topic using data from a developing country. In order to learn English well, one might have to attend different schools or study the native language less relative to other members of the network (Munshi and Rosenzweig 2006). Munshi and Rosenzweig (2006) and Chakraborty and Kapur (2008)estimate the returns to English-medium schooling which is not the same as the returns to English-language skills. Proficient labor force in a particular region attract _rms to locate there. Shastry (2010)_nds that districts with a lower cost of acquiring English (and therefore, where English wasmore prevalent) had greater growth in information technology jobs. A causal story in thereverse direction is that higher returns for a particular skill (e.g., English pro_ciency) moti-vates individuals to invest more to develop that skill. Clingingsmith (2007) finds that Indiandistricts with more factory employment experience greater growth in bilingualism. Selection on unobserved variables is unlikely to account for much of our estimated returns to English (Altonji, Elder and Taber2005)).


3. Objectives of the study
1. To study the economic aspects of English language skill.

2. To study the colonial legacy of English language in India

3. To study the linguistic diversity in India..


4. To study the local labor market conditions can be correlated with both language skills and earnings.

5. To study the bias in estimation of the effect of English-language skills even after controlling for more detailed variables than is typically available in household surveys. 

6. To study the unobserved ability that could still be a confounding factor to include variables adequately.

7. To study the biases due to measurement error and reverse.


4. Methodology
 This research uses a qualitative approach to investigation. Survey research method is followed for conducting the study. Secondary data is collected from India Human Development Survey (IHDS) .The study uses a large, nationally representative data set, which enables us to explore potential heterogeneity in returns to English-language skills along various dimensions by sex, age, education, social group and geographic variables.

4.1. Sources of Data
The study takes the advantage of a recently available nationally representative individual-level data set, the India Human Development Survey (IHDS), 2005, to provide the estimates of the returns to English-language skills in India. A secondary contribution of this paper is to provide new descriptive information about the prevalence of English ability in India. We use data from the 2005 India Human Development Survey, a nationally representative household data set collected by the National Council of Applied Economic Research in New Delhi Most relevant for the study  is the information about each household member's ability to converse in English is collected. The study is  not aware of any other large-scale individual-level data set in India that contains a measure of English-language skills. Since the outcome of interest is earnings, we restrict our sample to individuals aged 21 to 65. The main analysis will use individuals who report working for a wage or salary .

4.2. Population of the study
 In a sample of 110,185 people aged 21-65, 38% participated in wage employment. This raises concerns sample selection bias. This problem could be serious in the context of India, where over 80% of the population is rural, and family farms and non-farm businesses continue to absorb much of the labor force. To address this, the study will use two alternative measures of earnings that are observed regardless of an individual's employment status: household income and household consumption. The study also presents the descriptive statistics for various subsamples .The survey covered all the states and union territories of India except Andaman and Nicobar and, two union territories which together account for less than .05% of India's population. The  data analysis uses the IHDS design weights  to obtain nationally representative statistics. The census does collect information on language knowledge of the population, however these data are reported only in aggregate form. Additionally, the census does not collect data on wages, income or consumption, wage employment, male household heads in wage employment, all male household heads, and women in wage employment. It  discusses the dependent variables in greater detail . The specific measure of wages that the study uses is hourly wage for primary job.

5. Analysis
 Based on the 1991 Census, 11% of the Indian population reported some English ability. Though only 0.2% of the Indian population reported English as their mother tongue in the 2001 Census, considerably more know it as a second or third language. According to the 1991 Census, 11% of the Indian population reports English as a second or third. In 2001, 40% of the population named Hindi as their mother tongue; the next language with most native speakers, It is widely believed that English knowledge has grown since 1991, but there has-been no data to substantiate these claims until now, with the release of the India Human Development Survey (IHDS), 2005 reports the mean English ability among individuals aged 21-65 in the IHDS along various dimensions. One in five Indians report having the ability to speak English, comprised of 4% who can converse fluently in English and 16% who can converse a little in English. English ability is higher among men approximately 26% of men report having the ability to speak English compared to 14% of women and this is probably largely due to differences in educational attainment. English ability is higher among younger people 29% of people aged 21-35 speak English compared to 16% for people aged 50-65. These differences may be due to differences in educational attainment, greater incentives to learn English due to globalization in recent decades, or depreciation of English skills with time since leaving school. The ability to speak English increases dramatically with educational attainment in India. Almost 82% of individuals who have at least a Bachelor's degree can speak English as compared to 52% for those who have completed secondary schooling , 12% for those who have completed 5-9 years, and virtually nil for  those who have less schooling. The positive relationship between English ability and educational attainment is not surprising since English is not the native language of 95.8% of the Indian population, and thus the main exposure to English for children would be in schools. In India, many public schools follow the “Three Language Formula" recommended by the central government, which generally leads to teaching in English by middle school. According to the 1986 All-India Education Survey, which is a census of schools, 1.3% of schools with grades 1-5 used English as the medium of instruction, and 15% reported teaching English as  second language. In schools with grades 6-8, these figures rise to 3.6% .This calls for the teaching in the mother tongue or regional language during primary school. After primary school, introduce a second language English or some other modern Indian language. After middle school, introduce a third language. In secondary schools (covering grades 9 and 10), 9.2% use English as the medium of instruction, and 68% teach English as a first or second language. In higher secondary schools, colleges and universities, English is often used though it should be pointed out that it is possible to graduate from secondary school and college without being proficient in English; except in the science and engineering fields, many courses are offered in Hindi or the state language, and exams may be written in English, Hindi or the state language. The study examines percent speaking English by social group. In India, the two most disadvantaged social groups are the schedule tribes (STs) and scheduled castes (SCs). The Other Backward Classes (OBCs) are above the SCs in ritual standing, but are also much worse of than the high castes. English ability is greater among members of higher castes than members of lower castes or the scheduled tribes. This is likely related to the lower educational attainment among members of disadvantaged social groups, and in the case of the scheduled tribes, of their geographic isolation. There is considerable geographic variation in the prevalence of English in India. It is beyond the scope of this research to account for all these cross-state differences. However study attempts to describe English ability along several geographic dimensions. There is a large difference in English ability by urban status: 39% of individuals living in urban areas report to have ability to speak English as compared to only 12% living in rural areas.  Individuals living in districts with greater historical prevalence of English skill are more likely to speak English today: 29% of individuals living in districts with above-median share of the 1961population speak English, compared to 14% of those living in other districts. Additionally, English-speaking ability is more widespread in districts that had greater linguistic diversity in 1961, or that had an information technology. STs are distinguished by their tribal culture and physical isolation. SCs are groups with low social and ritual standing. Omitted variables bias will likely be a concern for several reasons. One omitted variable that would be important is years of schooling. Early grades are more likely to take place in the native language, with the regional or national language used as the medium of language in later grades. This generates a positive relationship between English proficiency and years of schooling. Some of the estimated effects of English proficiency is in fact due to schooling. The second important omitted variable  is geographic characteristics. Places where English is more prevalent are different from places where English is less prevalent. English is more prevalent in major cities, but these are also places where wages are on average higher. There could be a causal relationship between wages and English-language skills, or a correlation could exist through some third factor. Moreover, it is of interest to explore heterogeneity in returns to English, which can be done because of our large, diverse sample.

In India, students must pass a standardized exam developed by the board of education under whose jurisdiction their school falls in order to receive a certificate. It makes one eligible for further schooling, and a better exam performance enables one to attend better schools. This exam is typically taken at the end of10th grade. Performance on the  exam even if measured in only a few categories seems like a credible proxy for ability in the Indian context, and is akin to controlling for aptitude test scores to address the ability bias when estimating the returns to schooling in the U.S. context. As a proxy for ability among the less educated, the researcher uses the response to the question of whether the individual has failed or repeated a grade. The study finds that although the proxies for ability are significant predictors of wages, nevertheless their inclusion does not change.  Reverse causality could be a source of bias. Being in a higher-paying job might cause workers to develop better English-language-skills, such as through being able to afford English lessons or getting more exposure to English in the workplace. If so, then the estimated coefficient for English skills would exceed the true returns to English because it encapsulates the reverse effect too. For these reasons, our empirical strategy may not yield estimates of the returns to English that have a causal interpretation.

6. Findings
The main findings of the study are as follows. First, English-language skills are strongly positively associated with earnings. After controlling for age, social group, schooling, geography and proxies for ability and geography,  find that hourly wages are on average 32% higher for men who speak fluent English and 17% higher for men who speak a little English relative to men who speak no English. These estimates are not only statistically significant, they are also economically significant.  The return to fluent English is as large as the return to completing secondary school and half as large as the return to completing a Bachelor's degree. Second, there is considerable heterogeneity in the returns to English. More experienced and more educated workers receive higher returns to English. The complementarily between English skills and education appears to have strengthened over time only the more educated among young workers earn a premium for English skill, whereas older workers across all education groups do.

The finding shows that, compared to men who have no English ability, men who are fluent in English have 34% higher hourly wages, and men who speak a little English have 13% higher hourly wages. These results21In rupee terms, hourly wages are 10, 23 and 42 for men with no, little and uent English.It is comforting that the estimated coefficients for English skill do not change much with the addition of these variables, and suggests that the estimated coefficients for the language variables is really due to language rather than remaining omitted variables. Had ability bias been important, then the inclusion of the proxies for ability should have changed the estimated coefficients for English skill more dramatically.

In particular, we may be concerned that English proficiency affects both participation in wage employment and wages. Consistent with these empirical observations  where there are language-skill complementarities, English skill enables workers to enter more lucrative career tracks, i.e., these are jobs that have better promotion (or career progress) and raise opportunities. During his tenure, an older vintage worker would have acquired significant work experience. Although a younger worker possesses the English skills that would have been necessary to obtain the entry-level position decades ago, he lacks the work experience, making him unable to substitute for the older vintage worker today. Thus, while English skill may well be especially valuable in linguistically diverse places, these places tend to have more English speakers .The researcher looks at heterogeneity in returns by IT presence, which is  measured  as a dummy variable indicating whether the individual's district had any IT firm headquarters or branch according to the 2003 National Association of Software and Service Companies directory. Though districts with an IT firm have more widespread English, they have significantly lower estimated returns to fluent English . The IT interaction effects decrease in magnitude with the addition of interactions of English skill with the other geographic variables and age.

 As the study is interested in quantifying the returns to English for women too, selective participation in wage employment is a more serious problem for women. Only 22%of women work in a wage-and-salary job, compared to 54% of men. Participation in wage employment is more sensitive to English ability for women than men. The study finds  that women who are fluent in English are 17 percentage points more likely to be in wage employment relative to women with no English ability, and women who speak a little English are 4 percentage points more likely. While the analysis for men suggests that sample selection bias is minimal, this result may not necessarily carry over to women. The results for female wage earners on the basis of   age, social group, schooling, urban dummy, district fixed effects and proxies for ability, the study finds that women who are fluent in English earn 22% more relative to women with no English ability, and women who speak a little English earn 10% more.

7. Recommendations
This study is of interest for several reasons. Foremost, knowing the returns to English would help individuals and policymakers in India make decisions about how much to invest in English skills. Language skills are costly to acquire, and it is difficult to make optimal choices without knowledge about the expected benefits of English-language skills. Additionally, this study informs on the more general question of the value of English in a context where English is not a prevalent language. English is often used as a lingua franca, the language of communication among two people who do not share a common native language and many countries, even ones that are not former British or American colonies, invest in English skills. One mechanism through which English skill might affect wages is through occupational choice. Due to India's colonial past, many jobs in government and education require English. Also, due to the way science, engineering and other technical fields are typically taught in universities (in English) and due to the growth of international trade and outsourcing, many modern, technical jobs also require English to enter. But these jobs which include government officials, teachers, engineers, physicians, and managers tend to be attractive relative to other jobs in the economy. Thus, it is of interest to ask how much of the estimated returns to English is accounted for by occupational choice alone.


8. Conclusion
In India, the raw difference in earnings between people who speak English and people who do not is large, but this overstates the economic value of English because higher ability people are more likely to be proficient in English. In this study,  advantage of a rich data is taken set-to mitigate this ability bias. After controlling for age, social group, schooling, geography and proxies for ability, and is found  that there are large, statistically significant returns to English-language skills in India. In India and many other developing countries, there is active debate over whether to promote the local language or a more globally accepted language like English in schools. While promoting the local language might make primary schooling more accessible and strengthen national identity, it may reduce economic opportunities because of the special role of English in the global economy.



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